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At first glance, it is difficult to fathom that Donald Trump’s peace plan — which was prepared with active Israeli input, particularly from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a steadfast opponent of Palestinian statehood — could pave the way for an independent Palestinian state. It explicitly rejects any state for the Palestinian Authority, headquartered temporarily in Ramallah, and denies the Palestinian leadership any role, even indirectly, in selecting the technocratic committee tasked with overseeing the Israeli withdrawal and Gaza after the war.
So, why did the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah welcome the plan publicly and issue statements in both Arabic and English via the official Wafa news agency?
Officials in Ramallah point to a shift in international dynamics, particularly during the UN General Assembly in New York. “September was a great month for Palestine,” a senior official told the US-based Al-Monitor news site, highlighting recognition of the state of Palestine by France, the UK, Australia and Canada, among others. “Had the agreement been announced in Washington sooner, we would have been in a much worse position.”
Another official emphasized to me that the Palestinian leadership now has partners across the globe — not just in the Arab and Islamic worlds. “These recognitions have strengthened a broad coalition supporting the Palestinian state,” he said. According to him, every step from this point forward is taken in coordination with this coalition, which spans Arab, Islamic and Western countries.
Officials in Ramallah point to a shift in international dynamics, particularly during the UN General Assembly
Daoud Kuttab
In practical terms, the plan anticipates that public sector employees in Gaza, who receive salaries from Ramallah, will fill vacant administrative positions under the new arrangements. Notably, the plan does not propose new laws or policies specific to Gaza, indicating that Palestinian law is expected to continue applying — a point that gives Ramallah cautious optimism. Furthermore, it is highly unlikely that any Palestinian nominated to be in the suggested technocratic committee that will administer Gaza would not coordinate with and even seek the blessing of the Ramallah-based leadership.
Egypt, Qatar, Jordan and Turkiye, along with other Arab, Islamic and Western partners who strongly support the return of the PA to Gaza, are expected to participate in an international stabilization force overseeing security during the interim period. This involvement further bolsters Ramallah’s confidence that it will have a meaningful voice in Gaza’s future.
Yet, significant challenges remain. The PA faces financial strains and persistent questions about its legitimacy, especially due to repeated delays in holding elections during President Mahmoud Abbas’ tenure. Officials maintain, however, that the authority is committed to fundamental reforms, aligning governance with international expectations and holding elections within a year of a ceasefire coming into effect in Gaza.
The recent wave of recognitions at the UN, many of which were linked to these reform commitments, provides an additional incentive for Ramallah to move forward. Regarding US calls for the PA to suspend unilateral actions in international forums — including the UN and the International Court of Justice — the leadership has no immediate plans to pursue new legal cases.
Palestine must involve diverse factions and communities in building a future state on practical, achievable foundations
Daoud Kuttab
What is now more crucial than ever is a sincere national dialogue that integrates Hamas into the Palestine Liberation Organization and establishes a mechanism in which critical decisions regarding war and peace reflect the broadest possible Palestinian consensus, lending these decisions genuine legitimacy.
The Arab, Islamic and international communities are arguably more prepared than ever to support an independent Palestinian state. But achieving this requires Palestine to abandon monopolized decision-making and involve diverse factions and communities in building a future state on practical, achievable foundations.
The reinstatement of Dr. Nasser Al-Kidwa and his return to a leadership position in Fatah marks an important step, both domestically and internationally, given the former foreign minister’s global political connections, which were demonstrated during his tour with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Yet, restoring genuine national unity will require much more if it is to return confidence, trust and legitimacy to the Ramallah-based leadership.
Genuine efforts are needed to forge a national consensus that will agree that decisions of war and peace cannot and will not be decided by one party, now and forever. Such decisions, which affect and endanger the lives of so many Palestinians, must never again be the privy of a single faction.
The question remains: Can Palestine finally achieve the unity necessary to realize the dream of statehood?
- Daoud Kuttab is an award-winning Palestinian journalist and former Ferris Professor of Journalism at Princeton University. He is the author of “State of Palestine Now: Practical and Logical Arguments for the Best Way to Bring Peace to the Middle East.” X: @daoudkuttab